South Koreans enter North to reunite with kin split by war

SEOUL, South Korea — Dozens of elderly South Koreans crossed the heavily fortified border into North Korea on Monday for heart-wrenching meetings with relatives most haven’t seen since they were separated by the turmoil of the Korean War.

The weeklong event at North Korea’s Diamond Mountain resort comes as the rival Koreas boost reconciliation efforts amid a diplomatic push to resolve a standoff over North Korea’s drive for a nuclear weapons program that can reliably target the continental United States.

The temporary reunions are highly emotional because most participants are elderly people eager to see their loved ones once more before they die. Most of their families were driven apart during the 1950-53 Korean War, which ended in a ceasefire, not a peace treaty, leaving the Korean Peninsula still in a technical state of war.

Buses carrying about 90 elderly South Koreans and their family members were moving into the Diamond Mountain resort after crossing into North Korea. Earlier in the morning, the South Koreans, some in wheelchairs and aided by Red Cross workers, had left the buses briefly to enter the South Korean immigration office in the eastern border town of Goseong.

They were to reunite with their long-lost North Korean relatives on Monday afternoon at the start of a three-day reunion. A separate round of reunions from Friday to Sunday will involve more than 300 other South Koreans, according to Seoul’s Unification Ministry.

Past reunions have produced powerful images of elderly Koreans crying, embracing and caressing each other. Nearly 20,000 people have participated in 20 rounds of face-to-face reunions since 2000. Another 3,700 exchanged video messages with their North Korean relatives under a short-lived communication program from 2005 to 2007.

No one has had a second chance to see their relatives.

Many of the South Korean participants are war refugees born in North Korea who will be meeting their siblings or the infant children they left behind, many of them now into their 70s.

Park Hong-seo, an 88-year-old Korean War veteran from the southern city of Daegu, said he always wondered whether he’d faced his older brother in battle.

After graduating from a Seoul university, Park’s brother settled in the North Korean coastal town of Wonsan as a dentist in 1946. After the war broke out, Park was told by a co-worker that his brother refused to flee to the South because he had a family in the North and was a surgeon in the North Korean army.

Park fought for the South as a student soldier and was among the allied troops who took over Wonsan in October 1950. The U.S.-led forces advanced farther north in the following weeks before being driven back by a mass of Chinese forces after Beijing intervened in the conflict.

Park learned that his brother died in 1984. At Diamond Mountain, he will meet his North Korean nephew and niece, who are 74 and 69, respectively.

“I want to ask them what his dying wish was and what he said about me,” Park said in a telephone interview last week. “I wonder whether there’s a chance he saw me when I was in Wonsan.”

During the three years since the reunions were last held, the North tested three nuclear weapons and multiple missiles that demonstrated they potentially could strike the continental United States.

North Korea has shifted to diplomacy in recent months. Leader Kim Jong Un and South Korean President Moon Jae-in, a son of North Korean war refugees, agreed to resume the reunions during the first of their two summits this year in April.

South Korea sees the separated families as the largest humanitarian issue created by the war, which killed and injured millions and cemented the division of the Korean Peninsula into the North and South. The ministry estimates there are currently about 600,000 to 700,000 South Koreans with immediate or extended relatives in North Korea.

But Seoul has failed to persuade Pyongyang to accept its long-standing call for more frequent reunions with more participants.

The limited number of reunions cannot meet the demands of divided family members, who are now mostly in their 80s and 90s, South Korean officials say. More than 75,000 of the 132,000 South Koreans who have applied to participate in reunions have died, according to the Seoul ministry.

Analysts say North Korea sees the reunions as an important bargaining chip and doesn’t want them expanded because they give its people better awareness of the outside world. While South Korea uses a computerized lottery to pick participants for the reunions, North Korea is believed to choose based on loyalty to its authoritarian leadership.

Trump’s Strange Tweet About Joseph McCarthy

“Study the late Joseph McCarthy,” President Donald Trump said Sunday on Twitter. And he’s right. It’s important.

But casting special counsel Robert Mueller as McCarthy, the red-baiting United States senator from Wisconsin who in the 1950s earned lasting disgrace for his public shaming of alleged Communists, made for the latest and maybe the most outrageous example of Trump’s frequent tactic of attempting to use a weakness of his own as a weapon against an opponent. And given Trump’s tenuous grip on history, not to mention his close, critical connection with McCarthy’s foremost henchman, this instance of his transparent table-turning amounted to an awkward, unwitting exercise in self-portraiture. The tweet was far more a mirror on Trump than an indictment of Mueller.

McCarthy, after all, was “an essentially destructive force,” according to biographer Richard H. Rovere. He was “a chronic opportunist.” He was “a political speculator.” He was “a Republican who had started as a Democrat.” He was “a fertile innovator, a first-rate organizer and galvanizer of mobs, a skilled manipulator of public opinion, and something like a genius at that essential American strategy: publicity.” He was “a vulgarian.” He was “a man with an almost aesthetic preference for untruth.” He “faked it all and could not understand anyone who didn’t.” He “made sages of screwballs and accused wise men of being fools.” He was “the first American ever to be actively hated and feared by foreigners in large numbers.” He “favored the third person.”

He was “a great sophisticate in human relationships, as every demagogue must be. He knew a good deal about people’s fears and anxieties, and he was a superb juggler of them. But he was himself numb to the sensation he produced in others. He could not comprehend true outrage, true indignation, true anything,” Rovere wrote.

“If he was anything at all in the realm of ideas, principles, doctrines, he was a species of nihilist,” he said.

“The haters rallied around him.”

He was reelected in 1952, and even toward the end, at the start of 1954, “when the record was pretty well all in and the worst as well as the best was known,” Gallup polling showed that half of Americans had a “favorable opinion.”

“Looking at you, Senator McCarthy,” said Joseph L. Welch, the Army’s counsel in the Army-McCarthy hearings that summer, tasked in part with defending that branch of the military in the wake of McCarthy’s efforts to out alleged communists, “you have, I think, sir, something of a genius for creating confusion—creating a turmoil in the hearts and minds of the country.”

By the end of the year he was not only censured but condemned by his colleagues in the Senate.

But he had shown, Rovere wrote, “that there could be a national demagogue.” And he failed “not because he had suffered wounds of a kind no demagogue could survive, but because he had suffered wounds that a particular demagogue named Joseph R. McCarthy could not survive.”

He died of cirrhosis of the liver in 1957, at 48, and his name already had become a byword, “McCarthyism,” for smear campaigns, malicious and unfounded.

McCarthy, James Wechsler wrote that year in the New York Post, was a “creature of a time of national frenzy and frustration.”

He “came at a time when the society faced new and terrible inner fears,” David Halberstam echoed in The Powers That Be, “and those fears were no longer dormant.” And McCarthy, he pointed out in The Fifties, did not do what he did on his own. “The Republican reactionaries had been arriving in Washington for some time …” Of McCarthy, Halberstam concluded: “If nothing else, he had illuminated the timidity of his fellow man.”

McCarthy, though, never would have become McCarthy, never could have become McCarthy, many who have studied him have suggested, without one man in particular, the one seated by his side, whispering in his ear. Roy Cohn, the chief counsel for the McCarthy-chaired Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations, was smart and cynical and self-centered and self-hating and self-serving. He was “intense” and “abrasive,” wrote David M. Oshinsky in A Conspiracy So Immense. He was “short-tempered” and “sullen” and “brutal in speech,” in the words of Rovere. He was barely 25, “a waxen beardless prodigy,” said author Burton Hersh, “with slicked-back onyx hair, sleepy eyes, a deep, intimidating longitudinal scar on his formidable nose, and virtually no chin.” He was McCarthy’s “youthful Svengali,” said Fred J. Cook in his book called The Nightmare Decade, the “subcommittee’s real brain,” in the assessment of TIME, “the precocious, brilliant, arrogant young man …”

Cohn was a pallbearer for McCarthy. And he wrote a book about him. It came out in 1968. He acknowledged McCarthy had had his faults. He was “impatient, overly aggressive, overly dramatic,” Cohn described. “He acted on impulse. He tended to sensationalize the evidence he had …” He “would neglect to do important homework.” He had an “inattention to detail.” Even so, Cohn said, he was “gifted with a sense of political timing.” And “on balance,” Cohn noted, “his sense of what made drama and headlines was uncommonly good.” He was, he thought, “the first important public figure to touch an exquisitely sensitive nerve in the thought leaders of our society. This small but immensely powerful group of intellectuals …”

Cohn recounted toward the end of the book something McCarthy had told him toward the end of his life. “I felt like a coward at the censure hearings,” the senator had said. “I had to sit there and take it. They back you into a corner and you have to do one of two things. You jump off a roof or you try to stand up like a man to fight your way out. I lost without fighting.” And Cohn, judging by the way he lived the rest of his life, decided he would never let that happen to him. He would not give in. He would not back down. He would not admit wrongs or regrets. He would attack when attacked, and he would never, ever stop.

Some of McCarthy’s closest friends, according to Arthur Herman in his book on McCarthy, came to believe “that Cohn had been Iago to McCarthy’s Othello.” And Cohn was, in the end, as attorney Arthur Liman put it in his memoirs, “shrewder and considerably meaner than his boss. McCarthy may have had a bully’s instinct for weakness and fear in others, and a con man’s instincts for improvisation and publicity, but he was a lazy demagogue. Cohn did the work. Both of them loved publicity, but Cohn loved the hunt for its own sake.”

Cohn met Trump in the early ‘70s—and quickly became the most important person in his life. There are other pivotal, enduring influences, of course. His father. His mother. Mischievous political strategist and Richard Nixon devotee Roger Stone. But there is only one Roy Cohn. From Cohn’s combative representation of Trump and his father when the Department of Justice sued them in 1973 for racial bias in the rentals of their outer-borough apartments … to Trump’s tax-abatement-abetted, career-launching conversion of the Commodore Hotel into the Grand Hyatt by Grand Central Station … to the name-making project of Trump Tower and the additional public subsidies it got through appeals … to the countless introductions to New York City’s somebodies … Trump simply could not have done what he did without the connections and machinations of Cohn. He was a peerless fixer who had plucked from the playbook of McCarthy to add to his own talents and vacuities to create his own dark-arts persona, the single degree of separation, the sole, taut line, between one of America’s most reprehensible politicians and its 45th president.

Cohn never stopped talking about McCarthy.

He never stopped touting him.

“He knew he had power, because he could engender fear in his opponents,” Cohn said in an interview with Penthouse in 1981.

“I think up and down middle America, when you get away from the hotbeds of liberalism like New York and Washington, I find Senator McCarthy is held in very high esteem,” he said to a reporter from the Associated Press in 1983.

“I never worked for a better man or a greater cause. … he sizzled up the American landscape like nobody before and nobody since,” Cohn said in his autobiography, which came out in 1988, two years after he died from AIDS, the result of the decadent homosexual lifestyle he denied to the end, and a year after his avid protégé gave his first political speech and released The Art of the Deal, and nearly three decades before 62,984,825 people in this country voted the way that they did, putting into the Oval Office a president who on Sunday on Twitter railed yet again about a “Rigged Witch Hunt” and said Mueller “and his gang” “make Joseph McCarthy look like a baby,” trying to tar the special counsel with the disrepute of a man his most trusted advisor learned from and admired.

Pompeo hails possible ceasefire in Afghanistan

Secretary of State Mike Pompeo on Sunday hailed the possibility of a brief ceasefire in Afghanistan, saying it is "time for peace" in the country where U.S. troops continue to fight in the longest-running war in American history.

"The United States welcomes the announcement by the Afghan government of a ceasefire conditioned on Taliban participation," Pompeo said in a statement. "The United States supports President Ghani’s offer for comprehensive negotiations on a mutually agreed agenda."

Afghan President Ashraf Ghani announced on Sunday plans for a three-month ceasefire in honor of the Muslim Eid al-Adha holiday. According to a Reuters report, the Taliban provisionally accepted an agreement for a four-day truce and pledged to release hundreds of prisoners in a show of goodwill.

Pompeo stressed that there are no "obstacles to talks" and that the U.S. stands ready to broker discussions between Ghani’s government and the Taliban, the militant organization the U.S. sought to oust from power for providing shelter to al Qaeda before the Sept. 11, 2001 attacks.

Last year, President Donald Trump said that instead of going with his "original instinct" to withdraw U.S. forces, he would keep troops in Afghanistan, where they have been for nearly 17 years.

But NBC News reported on Friday that Trump is showing increasing interest in a plan to privatize the war, which has been promoted by Erik Prince, who founded the private military company formerly known as Blackwater.

Michael Cohen’s attorney says he’s talking to lawyer who brought down Nixon

Lanny Davis, an attorney for former longtime Donald Trump lawyer Michael Cohen, said he has been reaching out regularly over the last few months to John Dean, the former White House counsel who helped bring down the presidency of Richard Nixon.

Cohen has sent signals that he might cooperate in the investigations surrounding his former boss. The fact that his lawyer is talking frequently to Dean — who was name-checked by Trump Sunday in the context of recent reports that White House counsel Don McGahn is cooperating with investigators — adds new hints that Cohen could be open to being a potential witness in any case against Trump.

“I reached out to my old friend John Dean because of what he went through with Watergate, and I saw some parallels to what Michael Cohen is experiencing. I wanted to gain from John’s wisdom,” Davis told POLITICO.

“I certainly don’t want to raise expectations that Mr. Cohen has anything like the level of deep involvement and detailed knowledge that John Dean had in the Nixon White House as a witness to Nixon’s crimes, but I did see some similarities and wanted to learn from what John went through.”

Cohen, like Dean in the Nixon era, is wrapped up in a criminal investigation that has a parallel congressional probe, and he has been attacked by the president and by lawyers working for the president, including Rudy Giuliani, who said he has no credibility.

Davis, known as a media-friendly lawyer, said he first became friends with Dean when they appeared together on MSNBC in the late 1990s to comment on President Bill Clinton’s impeachment proceedings.

Rather than getting Dean’s legal advice for Cohen, Davis said he has been asking about Dean’s experiences during Watergate to refresh his own memory of the investigation.

Dean confirmed his frequent recent discussions with Davis and told POLITICO that another “person I’d really like to talk to is Guy Petrillo,” Cohen’s criminal defense lawyer.

From ‘men are disposable’ to ‘truth isn’t truth’: Giuliani’s 7 weirdest moments so far

No one says it quite like Rudy Giuliani.

In his four months as one of President Donald Trump’s personal attorneys, the former New York City mayor has blitzed media green rooms, befuddled legal experts and caused headaches for the White House. Even Trump once told reporters Giuliani would "get his facts straight" eventually.

On the heels of his latest eyebrow-raising pronouncement, here’s a look at Giuliani’s oddest recent moments.

1. "They funneled through a law firm and the president repaid it."

Fresh into his new assignment as an legal adviser to the president, Giuliani appeared on Fox News host Sean Hannity’s program on May 2 for what should have been a friendly interview.

Instead, Giuliani contradicted months of Trump-team statements that the president was not aware of a $130,000 payment during the 2016 campaign to adult film actress Stormy Daniels, which she says was "hush money" to buy her silence about an alleged affair with Trump. Giuliani also made the arrangement sound suspicious by saying the money was "funneled through a law firm" by Trump’s longtime personal attorney Michael Cohen.

Giuliani’s remark caused a firestorm for the White House, and he was forced to issue a statement clarifying his comments.

2. "Men are disposable."

Giuliani told CNN in May that he’d take special offense if special counsel Robert Mueller’s team, which is investigating Russia’s interference in the 2016 election, went after Ivanka Trump, the president’s oldest daughter.

But her husband, Jared Kushner, was less of a concern, Giuliani indicated.

"I guess Jared is a fine man, you know that," Giuliani said. "But men are, you know, disposable. But a fine woman like Ivanka? Come on."

3. The pre-meeting meeting that "never happened."

Giuliani leaped to Trump’s defense as reports surfaced that Cohen, looking to distance himself from Trump, would claim the president knew about or even approved a June 9, 2016 Trump Tower meeting between top campaign officials and a lawyer linked to the Russian government. But in doing so, Giuliani created more confusion.

While saying Cohen’s claims were untrue, Giuliani muddied the waters by bringing up what seemed to be a previously unreported second meeting by top campaign officials to plan the June 9 gathering.

After repeating the claim twice during a CNN interview, Giuliani said hours later that he was just repeating what he’d been told by reporters and that the alleged pre-meeting session "never happened."

4. "Collusion is not a crime"

Trump has long said there was "no collusion" between his team and Russians interfering in the 2016 election. On July 30, Giuliani, in a defense since adopted by Trump, said that even if collusion occurred, it wouldn’t be a crime.

"I have been sitting here looking in the federal code trying to find collusion as a crime," Giuliani said in an interview on Fox News." "Collusion is not a crime."

"The hacking is the crime," Giuliani told CNN on the same topic. "The president didn’t hack."

Most legal experts agree with Giuliani that there is no specific crime of collusion, but they say if campaign officials conspired with foreign individuals to interfere in the election process, there could be other charges.

5. "Comey would not…say that he wasn’t a target of the investigation."

Officially, the White House said former FBI director James Comey was fired because of his handling of the investigation into Hillary Clinton’s use of a private email server while she was secretary of state. But Trump has also said it was because of his frustrations with the Russia probe, which Comey was leading at the time.

Giuliani, however, said Comey was let go for refusing to say Trump was not the target of the investigation — even though Comey and Trump both agreed he did so privately on multiple occasions.

"He fired Comey because Comey would not, among other things, say that he wasn’t a target of the investigation,” Giuliani told Fox News’ Sean Hannity. “He’s entitled to that. Hillary Clinton got that and he couldn’t get that. So he fired him and he said, ‘I’m free of this guy.’”

6. "We got Kim Jong Un impressed enough to be releasing three prisoners today."

Even though he’s supposed to be giving legal advice, Giuliani has occasionally freelanced on White House matters — eventually forcing the State Department to declare the president’s lawyer does not speak for the U.S. government.

The most high profile of these episodes came on May 3, when he claimed that Kim Jong Un would be releasing three American prisoners held in North Korea that day. He had to backtrack, and the president would not announce their release until six days later.

7. "The truth isn’t the truth"

On Sunday, Giuliani defended the Trump legal team’s drawn-out negotiations over a possible meeting between the president and Mueller’s team by saying he does not want Trump to be caught in a so-called perjury trap. But in explaining why Trump should worry about telling the truth, Giuliani questioned the existence of truth itself.

“When you tell me that, you know, he should testify because he’s going to tell the truth and he shouldn’t worry, well that’s so silly because it’s somebody’s version of the truth, not the truth,” Giuliani told Chuck Todd on NBC’s “Meet the Press.”

“Truth is truth,” Todd responded.

“No, no, it isn’t truth,” Giuliani said. “Truth isn’t truth. The President of the United States says, “I didn’t…"

"Truth isn’t truth?" a startled Todd asked.

"No, no, no," Giuliani said.

"This is going to become a bad meme," Todd observed.

McGahn seen as ‘undercover operative’ in Trump’s White House

President Donald Trump is claiming his White House lawyer, Don McGahn, was representing his interests, and following his orders, when he voluntarily testified before the special counsel in multiple sessions.

And former administration officials said it’s unlikely that McGahn would still be serving in his top position in the administration if he had actually shared incriminating information about the president with Robert Mueller’s team.

“I can’t imagine that McGahn would still be White House counsel if he had produced any damaging information,” said Mark Corallo, a former spokesman for the president’s legal team. “He’d have resigned.”

But the New York Times’ revelation that McGahn has spoken to Mueller’s team for more than 30 hours over the past nine months has lawyers baffled — and noting that McGahn could have still filled in crucial blanks for Mueller, even if he didn’t hand over anything that could jeopardize his boss.

“The person most cloaked in privilege is McGahn,” said Ross Garber, a criminal defense attorney who served as the in-house counsel for former Connecticut Gov. John Rowland. “That relationship is sacrosanct. And the notion that that person has spent that much time with investigators and potentially waived privilege is a pretty big deal.”

Garber said that it’s particularly notable that McGahn had multiple meetings with the special counsel, and in between those sessions went back to his day job in the White House. “They’ve in a way turned him into an undercover operative in the White House,” Garber said. “and it’s his lawyer.”

The New York Times, citing a dozen current and former White House officials, said McGahn had offered Mueller extensive details regarding whether Trump obstructed justice, including the president’s comments about his firing of FBI Director James Comey, the pressure he put on Attorney General Jeff Sessions to take control of the Russia investigation, and the possibility of firing Mueller.

Trump on Sunday continued to insist that he was the one who authorized McGahn’s cooperation and that the White House lawyer had nothing incriminating to offer up.

“The failing @nytimes wrote a Fake piece today implying that because White House Councel Don McGahn was giving hours of testimony to the Special Councel, he must be a John Dean type “RAT.” But I allowed him and all others to testify – I didn’t have to. I have nothing to hide……” Trump tweeted. “….and have demanded transparency so that this Rigged and Disgusting Witch Hunt can come to a close. So many lives have been ruined over nothing – McCarthyism at its WORST! Yet Mueller & his gang of Dems refuse to look at the real crimes on the other side – Media is even worse!”

Trump, one former administration official said, at the beginning of the administration did not immediately grasp the difference between the White House lawyer and his personal lawyer. He expected McGahn to fill a role he has depended on his entire life: an attorney like Roy Cohn, the late Sen. Joseph McCarthy’s chief counsel, who represented his interests above all.

But McGahn’s job is to protect the office of the president, not Trump the individual.

Tensions between Trump and McGahn have long run high. In one meeting with Mueller earlier this year, McGahn described an encounter with an angry Trump badgering him to publicly dispute a January 2018 New York Times story that said the president ordered him to fire Mueller, according to a person familiar with the issue.

McGahn also told Mueller how the president tried without success to get his then staff secretary Rob Porter to warn McGahn that he could be fired if he didn’t deny that Times article, the person said.

Despite the fact that McGahn has knowledge of intense encounters, some said his extensive cooperation with Mueller was part of the go-along-to-get-along strategy of Trump’s prior legal team, comprised of Ty Cobb and John Dowd, who promised that their good working relationship with Mueller would speed up an investigation that was taking a toll on the president’s psyche and the work of the administration.

William Burck, McGahn’s lawyer, on Saturday directly linked the White House counsel’s interviews with Mueller to a decision by Trump to not assert executive privilege over their conversations.

“President Trump, through counsel, declined to assert any privilege over Mr. McGahn’s testimony, so Mr. McGahn answered the Special Counsel team’s questions fulsomely and honestly, as any person interviewed by federal investigators must,” Burck said.

But as the special counsel has shown no sign of reaching an end point imminently — despite what the White House has said was a high level of cooperation in terms of documents and interviews with staffers — the strategy has changed.

“The Trump team is taking a different position in relation to the special counsel,” said attorney Alan Dershowitz, the retired Harvard Law School professor whose legal arguments attacking the legal grounds for Mueller’s investigation have been extolled by the president. “They’re being much tougher and litigating everything. They’ve given up on the idea that the Special Counsel will end the investigation quickly if they cooperate.”

Former New York mayor and current Trump lawyer Rudy Giuliani on Sunday reinforced that stance, arguing that Trump should not sit down for a Mueller interview because the special counsel may try to trap him in a supposed lie, even though “truth isn’t truth.”

“When you tell me that, you know, he should testify because he’s going to tell the truth and he shouldn’t worry, well that’s so silly because it’s somebody’s version of the truth. Not the truth,” Giuliani told Chuck Todd on NBC’s “Meet the Press.”

“Truth is truth,” Todd responded.

“No, it isn’t truth,” Giuliani said. “Truth isn’t truth.”

Giuliani also said that Dowd had reassured Trump allies on Saturday that McGahn “was a strong witness for the president” during his testimony.

Dershowitz, however, said the jury was still out on how significant McGahn’s extensive conversations with Mueller’s team will turn out to be. “An act innocent in itself may form part of the tapestry,” he said. “You don’t know until you see what the whole jigsaw puzzle looks like. He may have filled in some gaps. They may not be incriminating, but they may form part of the jigsaw puzzle.”

Montana governor supports assault weapon ban

Montana Gov. Steve Bullock on Sunday said he would support a ban on semiautomatic weapons — the strongest stance the Democratic governor has taken on gun control as he weighs a possible run for the 2020 presidential election.

Bullock told Jake Tapper on CNN’s "State of the Union" that firearm owners and those who want more gun control have the same goal: keeping their families safe.

"If we really step back for a minute, I think most folks that live in Montana and elsewhere that are firearm owners want to keep themselves and their families safe. It’s not unlike folks who say that all these school tragedies and everything that’s been happening," he said.

"What do they really want? Those same values."

Bullock in May wrote in an op-ed in the Great Falls Tribune that he would support universal background checks. That stance was much stronger than a statement he made in his 2016 re-election campaign, where he said that he opposed universal background checks and that he had actually expanded gun rights during his tenure as governor. (Bullock won reelection in his state at the same time President Donald Trump was routing Hillary Clinton by more than 20 percentage points.)

During the CNN interview, Bullock said that there needs to continue to be red flag laws, universal background checks, and even age and magazine restrictions.

"Let’s begin with everybody wants to keep themselves and their family safe and let’s try to find those values so we can move those things forward," he said.